Philosophy

The Arabic Hermetica

The Hermetic literature of the Islamic world — the triple Hermes who is the prophet Idrīs, the Arabic birthplace of the Emerald Tablet, and the channel by which Hermes reached the Latin West.

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In a crypt beneath a statue of Hermes, Balīnās — the master of talismans — finds an old man seated with a book and, in his hands, a tablet of emerald. On it is written: “That which is above is from that which is below, and that which is below is from that which is above.” The scene is the frame story of the Kitāb sirr al-khalīqa, the Book of the Secret of Creation, set down in Arabic in Syria or northern Mesopotamia around the turn of the ninth century — and the tablet in the old man’s hands is the Emerald Tablet, in the earliest form anyone has ever found.

The Arabic Hermetica are the writings ascribed to Hermes — astrological, alchemical, magical, and philosophical — that were composed, translated, and elaborated in Arabic from roughly the eighth century onward, from Baghdad and Ḥarrān to Cairo and Córdoba. They are not a fixed canon but a sprawling, anonymous literature, one of the largest surviving bodies of writing attached to the figure of Hermes in any language — much of it unedited and unread to this day. In Arabic he is Hirmis: no longer the divine scribe of the Egyptian temples who had been Thoth, but a prophet, fitted into sacred history. Much of later European esotericism’s Hermes is, by descent, this Arabic one.

When Greek learning passed into Arabic during the translation movement of early Abbasid Baghdad — the movement that built falsafa — Hermes came with it. The philosophical dialogues gathered in the Greek Corpus Hermeticum were largely not what crossed over; almost none of them circulated in Arabic, save stray wisdom-sayings in the anthologies. What the Arabic writers received and multiplied was the technical Hermes: the sage of the stars, of secret properties in stones and plants, of the transmutation of metals. Much of this corpus arrived not directly from Greek but through Middle Persian intermediaries, inside the Sasanian-Iranian conviction that the sciences had been revealed of old and awaited recovery. Arabic authors did not merely preserve older material but composed a great deal afresh under his name, so that the line between transmission and invention is, in this literature, genuinely hard to draw.

A scheme of three Hermeses gave the literature its backbone and was repeated for centuries. Its classic formulation is the Kitāb al-Ulūf (“Book of the Thousands”) of the astrologer Abū Maʿshar al-Balkhī (787–886), composed in Baghdad around the middle of the ninth century. The first Hermes lived in Egypt before the Flood: he is Akhnūkh — Enoch — and the prophet Idrīs whom the Qurʾān raises to “a lofty station” (19:56–57; 21:85). First to study the motions of the heavens, he built the pyramids and the temple walls of Akhmīm and raised them to preserve the sciences from the coming Flood. The second, after the Flood, restored the sciences in Babylon and taught Pythagoras; the third taught at Memphis, instructed Asclepius, and wrote the books on alchemy and the talisman. The arrangement dissolved the impossibility of a single antediluvian author for so many books, gave the pagan sage a place inside a monotheistic history of revelation, and let astrology and alchemy be received as ancient prophetic wisdom rather than foreign superstition.

The Kitāb al-Ulūf itself is lost; the scheme survives through the chain of doxographers who quoted it — Ibn Juljul in Córdoba (987, the fullest verbatim quotation), Sāʿid al-Andalusī in Toledo (1068), and Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa’s dictionary of physicians (1242, revised 1268), which carried it to the widest readership. The equation of Idrīs with Enoch is early and pervasive in Qurʾān commentary, but the further equation with Hermes entered from astrology and philosophy, not from the commentators — Abū Hātim al-Rāzī (d. 934) states it flatly in his Aʿlām al-nubuwwa: “the Hermes who is mentioned among the philosophers is Idrīs.” Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik’s Cairo anthology of 1048–49 knew instead a single, fuller, prophetic Hermes, who passed through the Castilian Bocados de oro into Caxton’s Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers — printed 18 November 1477, the first dated book in England.

Hermes also had a city. At Ḥarrān in upper Mesopotamia, the Sabians — the old astral cult that survived into the eleventh century under the juridical cover of the Qurʾanic ṣābiʾūn (2:62; 5:69; 22:17) — honored him as a prophet. Their most famous son, Thābit ibn Qurra (c. 836–901), carried Harranian learning to Baghdad as one of the age’s great translators and mathematicians. Ibn al-Nadīm’s Fihrist (Baghdad, 987–988), the catalog that inventories the Hermetic titles then in circulation, tells how the Harranians, pressed by the caliph al-Maʾmūn to name their prophet and their scripture, chose Hermes and his books. The story is the Fihrist’s, told a century and a half after the fact; current scholarship finds the evidence for a Hermetic temple-library at Ḥarrān exceedingly thin.

The text in the crypt remains the most consequential. The Sirr al-khalīqa presents itself as the work of Balīnās, rendered by the priest Sājiyūs of Nablus; behind Balīnās stands Apollonius of Tyana. Compiled from Greek and Syriac materials with a strong Iranian admixture — Ursula Weisser dates the redaction to about 750–800, Paul Kraus placed it under al-Maʾmūn (813–833) — it brought into Arabic alchemy the sulfur–mercury theory of metals that the later art made foundational. As its appendix stands the Emerald Tablet, the Tabula Smaragdina, whose maxim the West would compress to as above, so below. The Tablet circulated in at least four independent Arabic recensions: in the Sirr al-khalīqa; in the Kitāb Usṭuqus al-Uss of the corpus named for Jābir ibn Ḥayyān, which also carries a “Book of Stones according to the opinion of Balīnās”; in the pseudo-Aristotelian Sirr al-asrār; and in Ibn Umayl’s treatise the Latins called the Tabula Chemica. No Greek original of the Tablet has been found; on present evidence the text the Latin alchemists revered as the oldest of all came to them through Arabic.

Around these gathered a wider corpus. The pseudo-Aristotelian Hermetic cycle — the Isṭamākhīs, the Isṭamāṭīs, and their siblings, ninth to tenth century — stages Aristotle teaching Alexander doctrine he traces to Hermes; it is the source-stratum quarried by the Ghāyat al-ḥakīm and by the magic of the Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, and no complete critical edition exists in any language. The Dhakhīrat al-Iskandar, the “Treasury of Alexander,” from the same centuries, never reached Latin at all. The Ghāyat al-ḥakīm, compiled in al-Andalus after 954 — its author re-identified in 1996 as the Cordoban traditionist Maslama b. Qāsim al-Qurṭubī (d. 964), displacing the old attribution to al-Majrīṭī that some references still repeat — became the West’s Picatrix, the chief conduit of Hermetic astral and talismanic magic; its sciences belong to the larger story of the Islamic occult sciences.

From the twelfth century, translators in Spain and Sicily turned this Arabic material into Latin through three principal doors. At Tarazona, Hugo of Santalla rendered the Sirr al-khalīqa — Emerald Tablet and all — as De secretis naturae for Bishop Michael around 1145. At Toledo, John of Seville’s 1133 translation of Abū Maʿshar’s Great Introduction carried the three-Hermes scheme into Latin astrology, Hermann of Carinthia cited the Kitāb al-Ulūf by name in his De essentiis of 1143, and Gerard of Cremona’s school added dense bodies of astrological Hermetica; the Turba Philosophorum crossed in the same current, from an Arabic original written in Egypt around 900. At the court of Alfonso X of Castile the Ghāyat al-ḥakīm became the Latin Picatrix in 1256–1258, through a Castilian version by the royal physician Yehudah ben Moshe; in Sicily, Stephen of Messina translated the Centiloquium Hermetis for King Manfred (1258–1266).

The Tablet itself reached Latin three times — in Hugo’s version, in an anonymous twelfth-century “Vulgate,” and inside the Secretum Secretorum that Roger Bacon glossed — before its first printing in the De alchemia (Nuremberg: Johann Petreius, 1541), under an editorship generally identified with Andreas Osiander; from that Vulgate text Isaac Newton made an English rendering in the 1680s or 1690s (Keynes MS 28). Not everything Latin under Hermes’s name had an Arabic ancestor — the Liber XXIV philosophorum, on the prevailing view, is a native Latin composition — and the Coptic Hermetica buried at Nag Hammadi lay sealed in their jar through all these centuries. The living channel was the Arabic one.

Within Islam the prophet Hermes had a further career. Suhrawardī, executed at Aleppo in 1191, made Hermes the ancestor-sage of both the Persian khusrawānī line of wisdom and the Greek line of Pythagoras and Plato in his Ḥikmat al-ishrāq, the founding charter of Illuminationism — a metaphysics of light raised on the Hermes the doxographers had built. In the Latin West, when Marsilio Ficino translated the Greek dialogues for Florence in 1463, he was adding a philosophical Hermes to a technical one the Latin world had possessed, by way of Arabic, for three hundred years. Almost none of the Arabic Hermetica reached Ficino directly; the Renaissance received a Latin filtrate — the Picatrix he used in De vita coelitus comparanda, the Vulgate Tablet, the astrological Hermes of Toledo. The wisdom Renaissance Europe took for the most ancient — its prisca theologia — had, in good part, been written and rewritten in Arabic first. Even Isaac Casaubon’s 1614 redating of the Greek dialogues never touched the three-Hermes scheme, which passed untouched beneath his philology through the seventeenth century.

The philological relay

The corpus returned to Western view through a long philological relay. Silvestre de Sacy identified Balīnās with Apollonius of Tyana in 1799, and Daniel Chwolsohn’s Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus (1856) assembled the Sabian-Hermes testimonies. Julius Ruska’s Tabula Smaragdina (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1926) established the Arabic textual tradition behind the Latin Tablet and the absence of any Greek original — the cornerstone study, digitized in full color at Heidelberg. David Pingree reconstructed the lost Kitāb al-Ulūf from its citation network in The Thousands of Abū Maʿshar (Warburg Institute, 1968) and later edited the Latin Picatrix (Warburg Institute, 1986); Charles Burnett traced the three-Hermes legend’s Latin career in the Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes in 1976. Ursula Weisser edited the Sirr al-khalīqa (Aleppo, 1979) and wrote the standard monograph on it (De Gruyter, 1980); no complete Western-language translation exists even now. Maribel Fierro’s re-identification of the Ghāya’s author appeared in Studia Islamica in 1996. The field’s reorientation is Kevin van Bladel’s The Arabic Hermes: From Pagan Sage to Prophet of Science (Oxford University Press, 2009), which derives the three-Hermes scheme from late-antique Christian chronography — whose pseudo-Manethonian Book of Sothis already has one Hermes inscribing the pre-Flood wisdom on stelae and a second retrieving it — fused with the Idrīs-Enoch equation and a Sasanian recovery-of-wisdom motif, argues for Middle Persian mediation of the technical corpus, and dismantles the Harranian “Hermetic library” of the older reconstructions — though Y. Tzvi Langermann’s 2010 review noted speculative steps in van Bladel’s own chronographic derivation. Liana Saif’s open-access “A Preliminary Study of the Pseudo-Aristotelian Hermetica” (Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 29, 2021) inventories the cycle and argues its five treatises were originally a single book on the causes of the spiritual forces.

In the Bibliothèque nationale de France, manuscript Arabe 2300 — a principal codex of the Kitāb sirr al-khalīqa — carries on folio 149, in the hand of an unknown scribe, the Emerald Tablet in its oldest known recension, digitized by Gallica.

→ In the library: Mead — Thrice-Greatest Hermes, Vol. I (Prolegomena, 1906) · The Corpus Hermeticum (Mead) — I. Poemandres · The Turba Philosophorum (Waite, 1896)

→ Related: Hermes Trismegistus · Arabic Falsafa Islamic Philosophy · Astral Talismanic Magic · Arabic Ilm Al Huruf Jafr Hurufiyya · Neoplatonism · Alchemy · Islamic Astrology Alchemy Astral Magic · Sabian Harranian Astral Religion · Enochic Idris Prophetology · Apollonius Of Tyana · Suhrawardi · Marsilio Ficino · Renaissance Hermetism

Sources

  • van Bladel 2009
  • Burnett 1976
  • Pingree 1968
  • Ruska 1926
  • Weisser 1980
  • Fierro 1996
  • Saif 2021
  • Pingree 1986